{"id":13787,"date":"2022-11-04T15:58:11","date_gmt":"2022-11-04T15:58:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.congoresearchgroup.org\/?p=13787"},"modified":"2022-11-04T16:07:18","modified_gmt":"2022-11-04T16:07:18","slug":"une-transition-sans-tshisekedi-est-ce-possible","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.congoresearchgroup.org\/fr\/2022\/11\/04\/une-transition-sans-tshisekedi-est-ce-possible\/","title":{"rendered":"Une transition sans Tshisekedi, est-ce possible ?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">&Agrave; moins de 14 mois des &eacute;lections pr&eacute;vues en 2023, des voix s&rsquo;&eacute;l&egrave;vent pour appeler &agrave; une transition sans Tshisekedi, au cas o&ugrave; les scrutins seraient retard&eacute;s ou report&eacute;s de quelques mois. Mais est-ce possible et souhaitable de mettre en place une transition sans le pr&eacute;sident F&eacute;lix Tshisekedi ?<strong>&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">Bonjour,&nbsp;&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">Je m&rsquo;appelle <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/ange_makadi\"><strong>Ange Makadi Ngoy<\/strong>.<\/a>&nbsp; Je suis chercheuse &agrave; <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/home\"><strong>Ebuteli<\/strong><\/a>, partenaire de recherche du Groupe d&rsquo;&eacute;tude sur le Congo (GEC). Vous &eacute;coutez le 36e &eacute;pisode de la saison 2 de <a href=\"https:\/\/app.ausha.co\/app\/show\/41300\/episodes\"><strong>Po Na GEC<\/strong>,<\/a> capsule audio qui donne notre point de vue sur une question d&rsquo;actualit&eacute; en RDC. Nous sommes le vendredi 4 novembre 2022.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<iframe frameborder=\"0\" loading=\"lazy\" id=\"ausha-QDz3\" height=\"220\" style=\"border: none; width:100%; height:220px\" src=\"https:\/\/player.ausha.co\/index.html?podcastId=omNj5trrz6MQ&amp;playlist=false&amp;color=%23de8d33&amp;v=3&amp;playerId=ausha-QDz3\"><\/iframe><script src=\"https:\/\/player.ausha.co\/ausha-player.js\"><\/script>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">Alors que le calendrier pour les prochaines &eacute;lections est toujours attendu,&nbsp; le processus &eacute;lectoral semble mal embarqu&eacute; et la situation s&eacute;curitaire se d&eacute;grade davantage. Face &agrave; cette incertitude&nbsp; sur l&rsquo;avenir du processus &eacute;lectoral, l&rsquo;id&eacute;e d&rsquo;une transition sans Tshisekedi, &agrave; l&rsquo;expiration du mandat constitutionnel de ce dernier, commence &agrave; alimenter le d&eacute;bat. Certains militants de la soci&eacute;t&eacute; civile, notamment Bienvenu Matumo, se positionnent d&eacute;j&agrave; pour un d&eacute;part du pr&eacute;sident Tshisekedi en cas d&rsquo;un retard dans la tenue des &eacute;lections pr&eacute;vues fin 2023. Martin Fayulu, pr&eacute;sident de l&rsquo;&Eacute;CiD&eacute;, parti de l&rsquo;opposition, a aussi pris position dans ce sens. &laquo; Le pr&eacute;sident de la R&eacute;publique est &eacute;lu pour un mandat de cinq ans, renouvelable une fois &raquo;, a-t-il rappel&eacute;, en faisant r&eacute;f&eacute;rence &agrave; l&rsquo;article 70 de la Constitution, lors de son passage sur les antennes de RFI et France 24. Il a pr&eacute;cis&eacute; d&rsquo;ailleurs&nbsp; que &laquo; cinq ans, ce n&rsquo;est pas cinq ans et une seconde &raquo;.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">Alors, en cas d&rsquo;une transition sans Tshisekedi, qui va diriger le pays ?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">Fayulu &eacute;voque deux hypoth&egrave;ses. Premi&egrave;rement, la vacance doit &ecirc;tre assur&eacute;e par le pr&eacute;sident du S&eacute;nat pour organiser les &eacute;lections. Il fonde son argumentaire dans sa lecture de l&rsquo;article 75 de la Constitution qui stipule qu&rsquo;&laquo; en cas de vacance pour cause de d&eacute;c&egrave;s, de d&eacute;mission ou pour toute autre cause d&rsquo;emp&ecirc;chement d&eacute;finitif, les fonctions de pr&eacute;sident de la R&eacute;publique (&hellip;) sont provisoirement exerc&eacute;es par le pr&eacute;sident du S&eacute;nat &raquo;. La deuxi&egrave;me hypoth&egrave;se renvoie &agrave; la d&eacute;signation d&rsquo;une personnalit&eacute; &laquo; neutre &raquo; pour conduire la transition.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">Mais cette id&eacute;e de transition sans Tshisekedi est sujette &agrave; plusieurs divergences et interpr&eacute;tations. Ce n&rsquo;est pas nouveau en RDC d&rsquo;exiger une transition sans le chef de l&rsquo;&Eacute;tat, &agrave; la fin de son mandat. On se souviendra qu&rsquo;en 2017, alors que les signaux &eacute;taient au rouge pour la tenue des &eacute;lections, d&eacute;j&agrave; retard&eacute; d&rsquo;un an, l&rsquo;id&eacute;e d&rsquo;une transition sans Kabila avait vite &eacute;merg&eacute;. Elle &eacute;tait soutenue par les organisations politiques et de la soci&eacute;t&eacute; civile, notamment&nbsp; le Rassemblement des forces acquises au changement et son pr&eacute;sident F&eacute;lix Tshisekedi, aujourd&rsquo;hui &agrave; la t&ecirc;te du pays.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">Mais bien avant, la Cour constitutionnelle, saisie par une&nbsp; requ&ecirc;te en interpr&eacute;tation de l&rsquo;article 70 alin&eacute;a 2 au sujet de la fin du mandat pr&eacute;sidentiel, avait rendu son arr&ecirc;t en stipulant que &laquo; suivant le principe de la continuit&eacute; de l&rsquo;&Eacute;tat et pour &eacute;viter le vide &agrave; la t&ecirc;te de l&rsquo;&Eacute;tat, le pr&eacute;sident actuel reste en fonctions jusqu&rsquo;&agrave; l&rsquo;installation du nouveau pr&eacute;sident &eacute;lu &raquo;.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">Aujourd&rsquo;hui encore, nous risquons d&rsquo;assister &agrave; un &eacute;ternel recommencement de ce sch&eacute;ma politique, &agrave; la seule diff&eacute;rence que le parti qui est aujourd&rsquo;hui au pouvoir a &eacute;t&eacute; &agrave; la lutte pour la transition sans Kabila. Parmi ceux qui sont aujourd&rsquo;hui &agrave; l&rsquo;opposition, certains &eacute;taient dans l&rsquo;ancienne majorit&eacute; pr&eacute;sidentielle pour d&eacute;fendre une impossible transition sans Kabila avant la tenue des &eacute;lections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">Si la premi&egrave;re option, celle qui soutient la vacance du pouvoir si les &eacute;lections ne sont pas organis&eacute;es dans les d&eacute;lais, est sujette encore &agrave; des interpr&eacute;tations des uns et des autres, la seconde, qui appelle &agrave; un consensus autour d&rsquo;une personnalit&eacute; pour diriger le pays, est extra constitutionnelle. Aucune ligne de la Loi fondamentale ne pr&eacute;voit un tel sc&eacute;nario. La d&eacute;marche ressemble plus &agrave; de la surench&egrave;re politique. Et elle risque d&rsquo;ouvrir la place &agrave; des n&eacute;gociations, comme dans le pass&eacute;, entre le pouvoir et l&rsquo;opposition qui vont aboutir, comme en 2016 et 2017, &agrave; des accords politiques et aux partages des postes gouvernementaux.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"is-core-paragraph-block has-space-small-mb\" style=\"margin-top:0px;margin-bottom:30px;padding-top:0px;padding-bottom:0px\">En attendant la suite, vous pouvez recevoir<strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/app.ausha.co\/app\/show\/41300\/episodes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Po Na GEC<\/a><\/strong> chaque vendredi sur votre t&eacute;l&eacute;phone en envoyant le mot &laquo; GEC &raquo; ou &laquo; Ebuteli &raquo; au <strong>+ 243 894 110 542<\/strong>. &Agrave; bient&ocirc;t.<\/p>\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>&Agrave; moins de 14 mois des &eacute;lections pr&eacute;vues en 2023, des voix s&rsquo;&eacute;l&egrave;vent pour appeler &agrave; une transition sans Tshisekedi, au cas o&ugrave; les scrutins seraient retard&eacute;s ou report&eacute;s de&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":13788,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[31],"tags":[129,132,143,73],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t<!-- All in One SEO 4.9.8 - aioseo.com -->\n\t<meta name=\"description\" content=\"\u00c0 moins de 14 mois des \u00e9lections pr\u00e9vues en 2023, des voix s\u2019\u00e9l\u00e8vent pour appeler \u00e0 une transition sans Tshisekedi, au cas o\u00f9 les scrutins seraient retard\u00e9s ou report\u00e9s de quelques mois. Mais est-ce possible et souhaitable de mettre en place une transition sans le pr\u00e9sident F\u00e9lix Tshisekedi ? 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